But when this extraordinary demand for Russian agriculturalproduce had ceased, when, on the other hand, England had imposedrestrictions on the import of corn for the benefit of heraristocracy, and on that of foreign timber for the benefit ofCanada, the ruin of Russia's home manufactories and the excessiveimport of foreign manufactures made itself doubly felt.Althoughpeople had formerly, with Herr Storch, considered the balance oftrade as a chimera, to believe in the existence of which was, fora reasonable and enlightened man, no less outrageous and ridiculousthan the belief in witchcraft in the seventeenth century had been,it was now seen with alarm that there must be something of thenature of a balance of trade as between independent nations.Themost enlightened and discerning statesman of Russia, CountNesselrode, did not hesitate to confess to this belief.He declaredin an official circular of 1821: 'Russia finds herself compelled bycircumstances to take up an independent system of trade; theproducts of the empire have found no foreign market, the homemanufactures are ruined or on the point of being so, all the readymoney of the country flows towards foreign lands, and the mostsubstantial trading firms are nearly ruined.' The beneficialeffects of the Russian protective system contributed no less thanthe injurious consequences of the re-establishment of free tradehad done to bring into discredit the principles and assertions ofthe theorists.Foreign capital, talent, and labour flowed into thecountry from all civilised lands, especially from England andGermany, in order to share in the advantages offered by the homemanufactories.
The nobility imitated the policy of the Empire at large.Asthey could obtain no foreign market for their produce, theyattempted to solve the problem inversely by bringing the marketinto proximity with the produce -- they established manufactorieson their estates.In consequence of the demand for fine woolproduced by the newly created woollen manufactories, the breed ofsheep was rapidly improved.Foreign trade increased, instead ofdeclining, particularly that with China, Persia, and otherneighbouring countries of Asia.The commercial crises entirelyceased, and one need only read the latest reports of the RussianMinister of Commerce to be convinced that Russia owes a largemeasure of prosperity to this system, and that she is increasingher national wealth and power by enormous strides.
It is foolish for Germans to try to make little of thisprogress and to complain of the injury which it has caused to thenorth-eastern provinces of Germany.Each nation, like eachindividual, has its own interests nearest at heart.Russia is notcalled upon to care for the welfare of Germany; Germany must carefor Germany, and Russia for Russia.It would be much better,instead of complaining, instead of hoping and waiting and expectingthe Messiah of a future free trade, to throw the cosmopolitansystem into the fire and take a lesson from the example of Russia.
That England should look with jealousy on this commercialpolicy of Russia is very natural.By its means Russia hasemancipated herself from England, and has qualified herself toenter into competition with her in Asia.Even if Englandmanufactures more cheaply, this advantage will in the trade withCentral Asia be outweighed by the proximity of the Russian Empireand by its political influence.Although Russia may still be, incomparison with Europe, but a slightly civilised country, yet, ascompared with Asia, she is a civilised one.
Meantime, it cannot be denied that the want of civilisation andpolitical institutions will greatly hinder Russia in her furtherindustrial and commercial progress, especially if the ImperialGovernment does not succeed in harmonising her political conditionswith the requirements of industry, by the introduction of efficientmunicipal and provincial constitutions, by the gradual limitationand final abolition of serfdom, by the formation of an educatedmiddle class and a free peasant class, and by the completion ofmeans of internal transport and of communication with Central Asia.
These are the conquests to which Russia is called in the presentcentury, and on them depends her further progress in agricultureand industry, in trade, navigation and naval power.But in order torender reforms of this kind possible and practicable, the Russianaristocracy must first learn to feel that their own materialinterests will be most promoted by them.
