A progressive tax will, in a great measure, effect this object, and that as a matter of interest to the parties most immediately concerned, as will be seen by the following table; which shows the net produce upon every estate, after subtracting the tax.By this it will appear that after an estate exceeds thirteen or fourteen thousand a year, the remainder produces but little profit to the holder, and consequently, Will pass either to the younger children, or to other kindred.
TABLE III
Showing the net produce of every estate from one thousand to twenty-three thousand pounds a year No of thousand Total tax per annum subtracted Net produceL1000L21
L979
2000
59
1941
3000
109
2891
4000
184
3816
5000
284
4716
6000
434
5566
7000
634
6366
8000
880
7120
9000
1100
7900
10,000
1530
8470
11,000
1930
9070
12,000
2380
9620
13,000
2880
10,120
14,000
3430
10,570
15,000
4030
10,970
16,000
4680
11,320
17,000
5380
11,620
18,000
6130
11,870
19,000
6930
12,170
20,000
7780
12,220
21,000
8680
12,320
22,000
9630
12,370
23,000 10,630
12,370
N.B.The odd shillings are dropped in this table.
According to this table, an estate cannot produce more than L12,370clear of the land tax and the progressive tax, and therefore the dividing such estates will follow as a matter of family interest.An estate of L23,000 a year, divided into five estates of four thousand each and one of three, will be charged only L1,129 which is but five per cent., but if held by one possessor, will be charged L10,630.
Although an enquiry into the origin of those estates be unnecessary, the continuation of them in their present state is another subject.It is a matter of national concern.As hereditary estates, the law has created the evil, and it ought also to provide the remedy.Primogeniture ought to be abolished, not only because it is unnatural and unjust, but because the country suffers by its operation.By cutting off (as before observed) the younger children from their proper portion of inheritance, the public is loaded with the expense of maintaining them; and the freedom of elections violated by the overbearing influence which this unjust monopoly of family property produces.Nor is this all.It occasions a waste of national property.A considerable part of the land of the country is rendered unproductive, by the great extent of parks and chases which this law serves to keep up, and this at a time when the annual production of grain is not equal to the national consumption.*[38]- In short, the evils of the aristocratical system are so great and numerous, so inconsistent with every thing that is just, wise, natural, and beneficent, that when they are considered, there ought not to be a doubt that many, who are now classed under that description, will wish to see such a system abolished.
What pleasure can they derive from contemplating the exposed condition, and almost certain beggary of their younger offspring? Every aristocratical family has an appendage of family beggars hanging round it, which in a few ages, or a few generations, are shook off, and console themselves with telling their tale in almshouses, workhouses, and prisons.This is the natural consequence of aristocracy.The peer and the beggar are often of the same family.One extreme produces the other: to make one rich many must be made poor; neither can the system be supported by other means.
There are two classes of people to whom the laws of England are particularly hostile, and those the most helpless; younger children, and the poor.Of the former I have just spoken; of the latter I shall mention one instance out of the many that might be produced, and with which I shall close this subject.
Several laws are in existence for regulating and limiting work-men's wages.Why not leave them as free to make their own bargains, as the law-makers are to let their farms and houses? Personal labour is all the property they have.Why is that little, and the little freedom they enjoy, to be infringed? But the injustice will appear stronger, if we consider the operation and effect of such laws.When wages are fixed by what is called a law, the legal wages remain stationary, while every thing else is in progression; and as those who make that law still continue to lay on new taxes by other laws, they increase the expense of living by one law, and take away the means by another.
But if these gentlemen law-makers and tax-makers thought it right to limit the poor pittance which personal labour can produce, and on which a whole family is to be supported, they certainly must feel themselves happily indulged in a limitation on their own part, of not less than twelve thousand a-year, and that of property they never acquired (nor probably any of their ancestors), and of which they have made never acquire so ill a use.
Having now finished this subject, I shall bring the several particulars into one view, and then proceed to other matters.
The first eight articles, mentioned earlier, are;1.Abolition of two millions poor-rates.
2.Provision for two hundred and fifty-two thousand poor families, at the rate of four pounds per head for each child under fourteen years of age; which, with the addition of two hundred and fifty thousand pounds, provides also education for one million and thirty thousand children.
3.Annuity of six pounds (per annum) each for all poor persons, decayed tradesmen, and others (supposed seventy thousand) of the age of fifty years, and until sixty.
4.Annuity of ten pounds each for life for all poor persons, decayed tradesmen, and others (supposed seventy thousand) of the age of sixty years.
5.Donation of twenty shillings each for fifty thousand births.
6.Donation of twenty shillings each for twenty thousand marriages.
7.Allowance of twenty thousand pounds for the funeral expenses of persons travelling for work, and dying at a distance from their friends.
8.Employment at all times for the casual poor in the cities of London and Westminster.
